By Ivor F. Goodson
This article presents a dialogue of the which means of instructor professionalism and the way it may be more advantageous.
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106), saw the State turn to pruning a range of citizenship entitlements within the social-policy arena, including education. Despite the fact that Labor governments dominated federal and provincial politics throughout the 1980s, and that teachers had actively campaigned for the Australian Labor Party, it did not curtail the attack on education. Restructuring education, the State argued, was essential to produce a skilled and flexible labour force enabling Australia to become internationally competitive (Dawkins, 1988).
As in all settlements, the total subordination of workers to the systemic requirements is never completely successful, and for teachers it was no different. By the early 1970s, teacher unions had successfully argued for the removal of barriers, such as marriage and family responsibilities, to permanent employment for women (Spaull, 1990, p. 12). Robertson private schools (Spaull, 1990, p. 12), and formed a strategic alliance with other unions under the umbrella of the Australian Council for Trade Unions (ACTU).
The early 1970s heralded a period of political ferment in Australian education (Beilhartz, 1989). , 1982, p. 197). The views of a number of the teachers in Cornell’s study examining the complex relations of gender and class and educational inequality were clearly at odds with the dominant ideology of meritocracy. However, teachers still resisted seeing inequality in class terms (Connell, 1985, p. 198). This fact is crucial in understanding the barriers to teachers’ potential for class action. 6 For a brief period, federal funds provided a mechanism for innovative teachers to side-step the weight of bureaucratic regulation at the State level.